12.1 MINORITIES IN AFRICA

The ethnic composition of African States is often highly pluralist. Minority status, especially in terms of the non-dominance of particular groups, can be difficult to determine. Indeed, international criteria on minorities may not fully reflect the complexity of multi-ethnic States in Africa that are highly diversified in terms of ethnicity, religion and language – sometimes comprised of more than 250 different ethnic groups, for example, in Nigeria or Cameroon. In practice, some numerically smaller groups, through alliances with other groups, may exert political dominance. There are examples where numerically large ethnic groups have not achieved equal access to power. Furthermore, the examples of the colonial and minority white-ruled States have given a negative connotation to the term ‘minority’. The post-colonial efforts to forge national unifying identities in African States have meant that attention to specific ethnic, religious and linguistic identities has been downplayed in the public sphere, yet they are relevant to power relations.

Another challenge in the African context is that the distinction between minority groups and indigenous peoples is not always clear. Moreover, the concept of ‘indigenous’ is not widely accepted, including by government actors. Recognition as ‘indigenous’ may be contentious where groups are claiming land rights and self-determination, rights that form part of international standards on indigenous peoples. Marginalised indigenous groups often adopt alternative terms, such as ‘ethnic minorities’ or ‘indigenous minorities’ in order to initiate dialogue with government on their concerns.

Forms of caste-based discrimination are reportedly found in Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Kenya, Mali, Mauritania, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia and possibly more.⁶⁵ Affected communities are said to include the Dime of Ethiopia, the Osu of Nigeria and the Sab of Somalia. According to a study by the former UN Sub-Commission on Human Rights, such groups face a number of common experiences, including the ascription of their status by birth, their predominance in (and sometimes restriction to) certain low-status and ‘polluted’ occupations (e.g. blacksmiths, leather workers, sweepers, servants, entertainers), restrictions on marrying outside their group, and a general regard as being ‘impure’ peoples.⁶⁶

Among the most common concerns for minorities in Africa are participation, poverty, and traditional lands and livelihoods. These three concerns are closely connected. Because of their marginalisation, many minorities do not have opportunities to participate equally in planning of poverty reduction strategies. Their communities and regions are often excluded from the benefits of development programmes. In many cases, the prescriptions for poverty reduction do not take into account the particular traditional livelihoods of minorities, such as pastoralism, or the discrimination they face. The practice of (involuntary) displacement of minorities from their traditional lands also is common, either to make way for infrastructure and foreign direct investment projects; to establish conservation areas; or to move communities closer to basic services that are not available in their regions.

The failure to address the significant economic inequalities that exist between ethnic and religious communities has resulted in instability and sometimes local or widespread conflict. Many conflicts in Africa (as elsewhere) do have an ‘ethnic grievance’ dimension, which political leaders can use to mobilize opposition support. However, it is often the most marginalised groups, such as the Batwa, that experience the greatest hardship as a result of any conflict.⁶⁷

The civil society of minority groups in Africa is limited but growing. Groups have been successful in coming together for national, regional and international advocacy work (Kane 2008). The networks, for example, of pastoralist communities in East Africa and the Horn of Africa are strong, as are the networks of San and Batwa. Many communities, however, are so marginalised that they lack both the capacity and the resources to form CSOs or to organize advocacy on their concerns.